It’s easy to understand who tells the truth

An ongoing argument is making the rounds: Is it the government that didn’t keep their promises, and didn’t do this and that, or is it HDP and their components, who are on the other side of the table, that didn’t keep theirs?
Nowadays we are constantly witnessing that both sides are mistrusting each other, accusing each other of blackmail or of not doing what they were supposed to.
The “autonomy” emphasis in the recent statements of the HDP Co-Chairman Selahattin Demirtaş, parliamentarian Sırrı Süreyya Önder and Qandil, had mixed things up quite well. Even if the gloss applied later onto these statements by Önder works today, it has gone down in history like that.
It was meant to go down in history like that.
We are talking about intention, not about a Freudian slip.
We will discuss this again later on; however, it’s healthier to understand what’s transpiring by sometimes looking at history and sometimes by making comparisons.
I wonder, between all these statements and statements, who’s speaking the truth?
According to the information on the website of the Undersecretariat of Public Order and Security, only the headings and short explanations of the democratic steps taken throughout the AK Party rulership since 2002, takes up 63 pages.
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As for the list of steps taken between 2013 and 2014, in other words throughout the Resolution Process, it’s 16 pages.
Of course, not all of them are related with the Kurdish issue or war against terror; most of the steps are alterations that concern the lives of the eighty million, in other words, all of our lives.
However, since our topic is the Kurdish issue and the Resolution Process, then let’s look at the headings about our topics and try to find out who’s speaking the truth by making a fast scan.
The opportunity speaking in mother language during the meetings the relatives in prison, Kurdish radio and television broadcasts, researching dialects and languages, the establishment of institutions and optional subjects in different languages and dialects at universities; these had all become legal just in 2009. In the same year, the Ministry of Culture announced its support in written works, cinemas and theatres, TRT 6 broadcasted a Kurdish Mawlid on sacred nights, and personnel, who knows Kurdish and Zaza language, had been assigned in the Diyarbakır Governorate.
In 2009, an institution had been established in the Mardin Artuklu University, and the opportunity of optional courses had been provided. At the Dicle University and Muş Alparslan University, the Kurdish Language and Literature department, and a commission in the Parliament, which will investigate the violation of civil rights during the terror and violence period, had been both established in 2011.
The Institute of Living Languages was opened in the Bingöl University, and the department of Zaza Language and Literature was opened in Tunceli University, in the same year.
The Çukurca Attack occurred right about this time….
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The Diyarbakır Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office had started an investigation regarding the happenings in the Diyarbakır Prison after September 12th. In the Parliament catalogue, the Kurdish language had been added in the “languages known” part of the parliamentarian information. The name of the Muğlalı Post in Van had been changed. The Kurdish language had been included in the rank of optional courses. In 2012, while the Investigation Commissions and Dersim Incidents’ Sub-Commission, which puts all the coups under the scope, were being established, TRT opened a Kurdish news website. Hamlet had been staged in Kurdish at Diyarbakır, an album of Kurdish folk songs had been prepared by TRT; Mele’s employment (Mele is a Muslim title applied to a scholar or religious leader, especially in Turkey's southeast region, mostly used by the Kurds) had been started by the government.
Who cares; PKK conducted the Beytüşşebap attack on September 2012….
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While the closing of the prisons [which don’t meet the European standards] was continuing, in 2014, the Turkish-Kurdish dictionary had been published by TDK (Turkish Language Association).
Many indirect democratic steps like; the regulation related with the sick inmates, their imprisonment duration being more than 5 years, the removal of special authorized courts, complicating the bugging; had all spawned positive effects for the new process.
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A law, which was one of the most important steps in order to end terror, had been dispatched to the Parliament and eventually released in July this year. Feqiye Teyran had been published by the Ministry of Culture.
When the rules of the law, which provides the legal substructure for the Resolution Process, had taken effect, it had been published in the official gazette on October 1st.
On that day, Prime Minister Davutoğlu and Demirtaş had a very positive meeting….
Only after five days, on October 6th, Demirtaş had made the statement, which would eventually cause bloodshed over three days, on behalf of HDP….
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Now let’s return to the beginning: the task of the government, or state, is certain in the Resolution Process. Then, what is being expected from the opposite side? One thing; laying downs arms, leaving the country and finally announcing that they had given up on an armed struggle.
Are the ones, who had pretended to do the only thing that was expected from them throughout the process then completely gave up on doing that and started to constantly increase the threatening and negotiation margin, speaking the truth, or the history, which has a short summary above?
Yes, the ones, who had said “Now, the conditions had changed” as BDP in 2013 when the civil war in Syria had provided PYD with a field in the north of the country, are still continuing this attitude by exaggerating it.
However, those changed conditions will be changed later on again.
In any case, the structure in Syria which they had pinned their hopes on; the things that could be done by countries that give them the signal; the decision of the Constitutional Court which they are observing; the 2015 elections… will all come to an end with disappointment.
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At least let’s not blatantly lie to each other.
Let’s not try to gloss over the things we had said two hours later.
Let’s try to keep even one promise we had given.

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