Opinion - Bangladesh–Türkiye Ties: A Gateway to Freedom and Influence

An independent foreign policy sculpted by the will of the people is not a matter of fashion; it is a practical necessity for developing a country’s political, economic, and military capabilities. That was not the case for Bangladesh. During Sheikh Hasina’s tenure—ended by a popular uprising in 2024—foreign policy formulation and execution were guided predominantly by partisan considerations and the preferences of a particular foreign power, rather than the will of the people. As a result, Bangladesh’s foreign policy failed to emerge as an independent expression of public aspirations. Consequently, the country was unable to attain the strategic position it was otherwise capable of securing in regional and global realms. On the one hand, following the mass uprising, the development and execution of an autonomous foreign policy rooted in popular sovereignty—rather than one inherited from an authoritarian ruler—became imperative for Bangladesh. On the other hand, while maintaining its alliances with Western states, Türkiye has simultaneously sought to deepen its engagement with the non-Western world, including the Global South. In this convergence of interests, the conditions emerged for strengthening and sustaining Bangladesh–Türkiye relations.Historical and Cultural Foundations

Bangladesh is a predominantly Sunni Muslim country, and its historical experience under Muslim rule—including the Mughal era, which was contemporaneous with the Ottoman Empire—has produced long-standing cultural and culinary affinities between the peoples of Bangladesh and Türkiye. Beyond these shared civilizational ties, Türkiye’s assertive regional and global advocacy on behalf of oppressed Muslim communities has increasingly positioned it as a moral and political reference point in the wider Muslim world. Bangladesh–Türkiye relations, therefore, rest on a deep foundation of religious, cultural, and political–historical linkages.

Relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, along with other Gulf states, have long been shaped by regional rivalry rooted in both religious doctrine and political interests. As a predominantly Sunni Muslim country, Bangladesh shares religious commonalities with Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states. These affinities, however, do not translate into political or ideological alignment. Bangladesh is grounded in democratic political principles, whereas Saudi Arabia and most Gulf states are historically monarchies. By contrast, Shia-majority Iran operates under a distinct political system that combines elements of electoral governance with clerical authority—fundamentally different from the democratic models of both Bangladesh and Türkiye. Further complicating Bangladesh’s engagement with the Muslim world is the long-standing rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, a geopolitical conflict that Dhaka has consistently sought to avoid.

As a result, Bangladesh’s relations with Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Gulf states have evolved largely on pragmatic grounds—centered on trade, labor migration, and remittance flows—rather than deep diplomatic and, of course, political alignment. Bangladesh’s other immediate neighbor in the Muslim world is Pakistan, a Sunni-majority, nuclear-armed state from which Bangladesh got independence in 1971 following a bloody war of liberation. The legacy of that conflict has long hindered the development of strong institutional, political, and, importantly, fraternal ties between the two countries. Furthermore, for a prolonged period, Bangladesh was governed by Awami League led government closely aligned with India, a posture that constrained Dhaka’s willingness to pursue closer relations with Pakistan, mindful of India’s strategic sensitivities.

In this context, rather than becoming entangled in conflicts among Middle Eastern Muslim states and while seeking to break free from a constrained foreign policy left behind by over a decade of authoritarian rule—a system in which elections were manipulated, political parties and media faced suppression, and opposition figures were harassed or forcibly disappeared—Bangladesh needs a partner that can help expand its regional and global engagement. Ideally, this would be a country that shares many of Bangladesh’s political, religious, and cultural values, while, importantly, also harboring ambitions and initiatives to increase its influence in South Asia. Recent literature (Manor and Golan, 2026) has highlighted that shared interests, rather than shared values, often form the foundation of international relations. Türkiye fits this role. Strategically, Türkiye has strengthened its capabilities, but without a firm foothold in its own backyard, sustaining broader influence remains challenging.

In 2019, Türkiye adopted a new regional policy, Asia Anew, aimed at expanding its influence in Asia, with a key aim of bringing attention to countries that have traditionally remained in the shadow of larger powers. Good thing is that some progress is already visible. In October, the Chief of the Bangladesh Air Force visited Türkiye to discuss modernization and strengthening of the air force. Bangladesh has procured military equipment from Türkiye, and further defense agreements are under discussion. Beyond defense, cooperation in maritime affairs, trade and economy, and humanitarian initiatives are also taking shape. So, if Türkiye leverages its diplomatic and military capacities to support Bangladesh’s sustainable development, it could secure a strong presence in this geopolitically significant and rapidly growing market of nearly 180 million people. The resulting spillover could extend to other South Asian countries, enhancing regional engagement while reinforcing Türkiye’s strategic influence across the region.

Beyond military and strategic ties, there is significant potential to deepen Bangladesh–Türkiye relations in education, healthcare, and tourism. Opportunities also exist to expand sustainable public diplomacy, fostering stronger people-to-people connections. When state relations are reinforced by strong ties between the peoples, both nations are likely to realize the true benefits of development.

Author:

Md Farid Talukder, PhD

Assistant Professor of Management

McNeese State University, LA, USA

mtalukder@mcneese.edu

*The views in this article belong solely to the author and do not necessarily reflect Yeni Şafak's editorial policy.