Recep Tayyip Erdogan was born as the third child into a modest family who immigrated from the city of Güneysu in the northern province of Rize to the Kasimpasa district in Istanbul.
During his elementary school years, he strolled around the streets of Istanbul selling water and pretzels (Turkish: simit) in order to save his pocket money. Then he went to the Imam and Preacher school. However, since Imam and Preacher graduate students were banned from the University at that time, he gave his extra classes in Eyüp Highschool and got his diploma from there to continue his university education.
At a young age, his interest in soccer combined with his talent made him transfer to Camialti Football Club. However, his father Mr. Ahmet was quite unpleased with his indulgence in football. Thus, Erdogan, not willing to break his father"s heart, concealed his footballer identity from his father for a long time. He would never bring his football shoes home; instead, he hid them in the coal bunker.
His transfer to I.E.T.T., made it impossible for him to conceal his identity any longer.
When his team won the championship in the upcoming year, he started his political life, too. His first election victory came when he was 22 years old. He became the National Peace Party"s Beyoglu district Young Association leader and then, subsequently, he became leader of the Istanbul Young Association.
On September 12, Erdogan, married with a one-year-old boy, went through a turning point. He bade farewell to football. After his graduation from Marmara University, he worked in a private company for some time. However, politics was his core fire in his heart. After the coup, he turned back to politics together with Necmettin Erbakan. Under the Welfare Party, which was established as an extension of the National Peace Party, he became the party"s MKYK (central executive board) member as well as the Istanbul chair.
After a long and complicated path, he was elected as the Istanbul metropolitan mayor in 1994, which he greatly desired. He made the municipality advance in age after it went bankrupt in Nurettin Sözen era. However, Turkey was still walking through the tutelage regime"s murky corridors. Thus, he was unseated from his mayoral position because of a poem he had recited, even though it was available in schoolbooks. He was imprisoned for that and was made a political criminal. The Pinarhisar Prison turned into a location for an education center similar to what Prophet Joseph went through. His release from the prison signaled that this man who confronted slurs like "he would not even become a village head man" would march to the position of Prime Minister. This nation showed him the respect because he did not bow down before anyone.
In 2001, AK Party, which he established, won 3 local elections, 3 general elections and 2 referendums. The more the international alliances and tutelage forces struck him, the more powerful he became.. Erdogan, whom they could not knock out, became stronger after each round.
As seen from the picture, once Erdogan, positioned on the right of the deceased Necmettin Erbakan at the top of a truck, was working on the election campaign and today he is rising to the palace of Çankaya. This is how his story has been written.
That"s one of the reasons why Erdogan will win: because he has a "story". He did not overlook the people or avoided challenging problems. He knew how to show who the boss was when the time was due.
In his story, there is the act of painstakingly climbing the stairs from the lower classes up to high ones of life. His story represented all of the discriminated graduates of the Imam and Preacher schools.
In his story, there is a place for women who were turned away from university doors, military clubs, military hospitals and mothers kicked out of their own sons" funerals or other women banned from academy, media, public office because they sported hijab.
In his story, there is a place for women who could not embrace their sons in their own language or mothers who longed for their sons to come back from their military office or the mountain camps.
In his story, there is a place for non-Muslims whose properties were confiscated.
In his story, the slaughter of Dersim has a place. The state has apologized for the slaughter.
In his story, there is a place for Armenians whom he shared their century old pain.
In his story, he is the man whom the people stood for: even though his wife and daughter are libeled with the worst insults or whether he was called burglar and dictator.
In his story, there is a place for people who came back with blessings after they had been forced to leave their country, such as in the case of Ahmet Kaya.
In his story, there are plots challenging him ranging from slogans "411 hands are rising to chaos" to the 367 nonsense, e-memorandum, the republican rallies.
In his story, there are attacks by those with the unbalanced minds, who attempted to occupy his office and house.
In his story, there is the struggle against traitors who did not hesitate to disclose his most private life and that of state.
In his story, he has the dignity of a leader, whom they want to suppress just because he considered his nation"s interests.
All right, what about the story of Erdogan"s alleged rival, who has spent most of his life abroad, and the mouthpiece media that keeps stressing on non-hijabi character of his wife and who suddenly showed up like a parachuter?
Erdogan"s personal history is a complementary part of our democratic history or the history of the oppressed, who are marching toward the center of authority, the heads of which, as a nation, were forced to bow down.
Thus, what is announced should not simply be considered as merely Erdogan"s nomination for presidency. It"s also the announcement of the end for the tutelage regime in Turkey.
As for those who do not acknowledge the contributors and supporters during the publishing of this story, their address is clear after August 10.
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