Before the Resolution Process is completed and the first public constitution is done, this sovereignty struggle with the opposition, who wants to return to an oligarchic state, will not be finalized. As the name implies, this is a sovereignty struggle and no segment would desire to lose their sovereignty. There is a resistance oriented in passing the sovereignty to the public and this resistance will eventually meet defeat, not with time, but with correct political moves. Speaking with an accent, like Demirel, doesn"t make one a public leader. Erdogan is valued, because he had met these demands and carried them further. Otherwise, he would have become uniform in a wardrobe, along with Demirel and Ecevit.
We are wondering why it is required to liquidate a mentality, which has been weakened greatly in Ergenekon and Balyoz cases and left ahistorical, with a big quarrel, which is simulated on the judiciary. For example, the reason why coup attempts like Yakamoz, Ayisigi, Eldiven and Sarikiz in 2002-2003 and the Balyoz case, couldn"t transform from an intention to an action like in the 1980s or 1997 is in need of examination.
Maybe, the surgery on this with Özkök Pasha"s democracy, which is a remedy for every coup attempt, was done in order to prevent this question from being asked. The nearest coup plan was even ages before Ergenekon or other coup investigations. The junta couldn"t manage to carry out these coups. At least, what were preventing this weren"t these cases. Chronology is obvious.
Obviously, the liquidation of a mentality, which is already out of date, with only politics and losing the sovereignty to political power in this way, wasn"t desired so. Jurisdiction coming to the forefront in such an extraordinary way, was pointing at the undertaking of the bureaucratic sovereignty by the new structure, and, the marketing of this as a democracy revolution. Granted that most of us had evaluated it like this, because we never experienced such a thing to use as a comparison. Meanwhile, the prosecutors", judges" and police"s "attentive" information was setting the agenda.
Not everything can be calculated beforehand. There might be changes in the route, depending on the changing conditions, new strategies and alliances that can be formed. No one can neither guess, nor designate the course of events hundred percent, but can adjust accordingly and remodel the plan.
From my point of view, the most important factor that was unforeseen was related with Erdogan"s choices and power. At the same time, the engineering arrogance, that the base can be directed to as requested, had surfaced once again.
In this period, it is becoming evident that the guardianship layout, which appears in a democratic cover that is suitable to the 21st century and will keep Turkey in a historical cage, is being instituted via religionists this time. Privileged white Turks and religionist hostility were heading for the last roundup, and from here, as seen after February 28; a century- long guardianship wasn"t showing up. Then, it was possible to update the guardianship via moderate Islam and transform the religionist"s rulership, while liquidating old pashas who were inactivated.
In other words, if Erdogan didn"t cause a "fuss" and was willing to play the role of Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, then today there wouldn"t be any need to resort to the replica. Bureaucracy would have completed its transformation via parallel structure, and the government would possibly have had the task of continuing making double roads. While continuing the fight with PKK from where it"s left off, the new Turkey claim would be limited to adding another circle made out of light-religionists to the privileged.
We would have received an apology from Israel, winked at Sisi, and ATAK, TANAP, TAP projects wouldn"t even have existed. As Mr. Ekmel had said yesterday, the killer of almost one million refugees, who are running away from Esad, would have been overlooked and the borders would have been shut. Because they would have been an eyesore for a lady in Kadiköy, a foreign policy, in the name of opening arms to a million of the wretched, wouldn"t have been carried out.
It was decided on December 17-25 with the "A person who doesn"t settle down with reprimand has the right to a beating" statement. From their point of view, Erdogan, who had been given a temporary and limited role in their view, had gone too far. He had taken no account of the warning made during the February 7 MIT crisis, and on top of that, had started the Resolution Process. The time of the investigation related with the December 17-25 operations was interestingly coinciding with the days when MIT was going to Imrali for Resolution Process talks. On September 26, 2012, when Erdogan said, "Restarting talks with Imrali might be possible", possibly the button of the operation was hit.
When MIT wasn"t handed in and decided upon the Resolution Process, the thing had come to a head. Meanwhile, this already meant that Erdogan had built bridges with guardianship in the name of the public. Afterwards, nothing happened by coincidence until now or didn"t become functional independently from this struggle.
It"s impossible to think that the roof candidate process and the intention to take AK Party from Erdogan"s hands are separate from this struggle. This struggle is advancing towards August 10 with Erdogan"s back to back knockouts.
Though, if AK Party cannot manage this transition perfectly, and in the event that the ones, who are not of the same opinion with Erdogan and the struggle I have summarized above, in other words, potential Ekmels, take control over the party, then this struggle and all the achieved victory will have no meaning.
This possibility is low, but it"s better to be cautious…
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