Can FETÖ stage a coup in Kyrgyzstan?

Kyrgyzstan’s Eldik Kenesh Party leader Roza Nurmatova last week was detained along with more than 30 other suspects accused of planning a coup via mass demonstrations. It was additionally claimed that the said party has an affiliation with the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETÖ), which continues to have influence in Kyrgyzstan. Similarly, those detained along with Nurmatova have been reported to have foreign fund relations. It is alleged that the social dissatisfactions are planned to be used as an excuse for mass demonstrations. This allegation shows that elements such as FETÖ are seeking to cause social chaos in order to achieve a determined objective. Those who know about the coup organized by the U.S. and the U.K. aimed at reinstating the Pahlavi Dynasty in Iran, will well interpret the picture in Kyrgyzstan. In fact, FETÖ is a much more effective instrument to carry out such tasks compared to those in the past.

FETÖ started spreading like wildfire since the early 1990s, especially in the South Caucasus and Turkestan. This signifies the beginning of a new era for the organization. As the U.S. started setting in the Islamic region, FETÖ spread across the former Soviet region. Though organization elements settled in the Balkans around the same time, their operations were restricted by the Bosnian genocide. It was after the Dayton Agreement that they were able to find a vast opportunity for operations. They managed to infiltrate deep into our region as the biggest organized power for about 25 years. A new era started on July 15, 2016. Türkiye won a great victory within against dependent organizations like FETÖ. Thus, the elements gathered by the U.S. and Europe, started to lose ground in Türkiye and our near region. Sure, a new era had started, but the emphasis was on security architecture. Despite major public support, ideological preparation against FETÖ and other similar organizations failed. Of course, there are many reasons underlying this. Had a very study intellectual ground been formed against the organization’s deep relations, their room to maneuver would have certainly been restricted. But as seen in Türkiye as well, such organized dependent groups continue to have vast room to move. This is valid for the Balkans, South Caucasus, and Turkestan as well.

It is not too late to find the answer to which elements were disregarded as the security architecture forms. The experience gained at the scale of the organized dependent groups problem is just as great, and it is quite important to share this experience. The areas listed are the most critical areas of operation for these dependent groups. As international competition continues to gain new dimensions, the U.S. and West European countries will constantly want to intervene in these regions as a necessity of their traditional behavior models. It is hence very clear that the tools they have will always remain valuable. The elements within the security architecture will have great responsibilities within this frame, and they can never be replaced, however, the “ideological struggle” must also be given the value and attention it deserves.

We discussed the significance of Türkiye’s experience, but we must also accept that this experience could not be transferred to our near region. For example, it is hard to say that there was adequate broadcasting and publications in the context of FETÖ and July 15 in Azerbaijan or any other Turkic country. This applies to the Balkans as well. Until very recently, Türkiye’s new stance against FETÖ was seen in these areas as an internal competition. As a matter of fact, problems in relation to the other terrorist organizations were discussed out of context. One option to overcome this might be to offer scholarships to students from other countries on the condition that they study these topics. Various countries’ media outlets may be encouraged to report on FETÖ and similar terrorist organizations’ objectives and operations. Any films and documentaries produced to date may also be translated into other languages.

Dependent groups did not emerge in the legitimate competition atmosphere within Türkiye’s own conditions. These are organizations that emerged out of a need to adjust the unequal relations between imperial centers and surrounding countries. This is why they are referred to as dependent groups. Since they are unable to gain an independent presence, they are indebted to foreign countries. As long as there is no decline in imperial centers’ operations aimed at our region, or any moves to withdraw, these elements will continue their presence. Thus, both the gathering must be prevented, and their area of operation must be restricted. This can be possible solely through knowledge.