From three political styles to two: the changing face of Turkish politics

The political events in Türkiye in recent years may surprise those looking from outside the country. For example, Ahmet Dautoğlu, Temel Karamollaoğlu, and Ali Babacan’s search for positioning, which left its mark on today, is truly interesting for someone viewing the Turkish political life from the outside. This is the same in terms of Meral Akşener and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’s alliance as well. Similarly, the Democratic Left Party (DSP) joining the People’s Alliance is surprising as well. If such political activities remained as singular examples, personal ambition could have been explanatory. Thus, as similar activities in the past were limited, the term personal ambition was not found strange. The social impact of their personal activities was weak anyway. However, the current situation reflects an activity too deep to explain through personal ambitions.

Analyses on right-wing political movements in the past focus on the speed of transitions, and in a sense, emphasize pragmatism. This too was a view from the outside. In fact, such approaches could have been categorized as an outsider’s perception of the right wing. Yet, at a time when such generalizations were predominant, the “right-wing” was experiencing deep dissidence that would give meaning to present-day oppositions. There were more permanent dissidence rather than rapid transitions, and these would turn into quite rough oppositions over time. Thus, this opposition surfaced during the time from the Gezi Park events in 2013 to the July 15, 2016, coup and invasion attempt, leaving no room for any question. The separation became deeper, identities reformed within the opposition, revealing a social outcome. Conflict was inevitable, and this could not be reduced to oppositions among groups. It was impossible for such a big event to not point to a deep separation and quite opposite poles. For someone looking from the outside, these events within the right are quite confusing. Yet, the separation was already deep, and the resulting opposition could not be explained through personal ambitions or a group’s interests. There was a conflict in terms of their worldviews. Such a separation is seen today among the left-wing.

Those analyzing individuals, groups, religious movements, and political parties’ periodical behavior and statements can say that the new opposition cannot be limited to today. Examples supporting statements that the current picture presents a significant continuity, may be subject to serious studies. However, nobody will bring up today the pragmatic activities within the main lines of the three political styles. The real striking switches are happening among the different traditions. In fact, none of these emerges as the continuation of deep preparations either. The current political positions of those like Davutoğlu and Babacan give the impression that they were achieved very quickly. This then shows that we need to focus on structures rather than personal political ambitions. We must take into consideration the global developments that deeply impact political traditions, trends, and movements. Thus, the parties’ statements clearly reveal the outside connection involved in the positions achieved. If you follow those who are in a haste to send greetings to the Anglo-Saxon world, the transitions become meaningful.

So, how must this new situation, which we are not very used to in terms of our political life, be explained? It has been more than a century since Yusuf Akçura wrote about the three political styles. As a matter of fact, Anglo-Saxons today cannot be identified as an unshakable hegemonic power, differently from the unequal relations of the Ottoman Empire and colonialist imperialist states at the start of the previous century. Hence, the conditions giving rise to the three political styles differ significantly. Therefore, is the problem in the three political styles, or is there a periodical problem? Türkiye is forced today to reflect the U.S. and U.K.’s world politics. Therefore, the Turkish political life is being deeply shaken. As a result, the traditional structures in Türkiye are undergoing major change, with individuals and groups moving towards a new clustering. There is no harm in stating it openly: The Turkish political life today is divided between those who want to act in cooperation with the Anglo-Saxons, and those who are in opposition to the Anglo-Saxons. This reduces political styles to two. Now, 120 years later, we are discussing two political styles. We can interpret the May 14 elections with the Anglo-Saxons at the center. Yet, we must not forget that the Friends of England Society found a serious following during the occupation years.